The abnormality: War promotion laws passed one after another

By Hiroshi Inagaki, Tokio / Japan

In the current ordinary Diet session, the U.S. imperialist strategy for East Asia (“Encirclement of China” strategy) is being pushed forward to raise military expenditures and enact a number of war promotion laws to make Japan a war state in line with this strategy. The following is a look at some of the major trends.

Military expenditures expanded to 1.6% of GDP

In the “National Security Strategy,” the “Three Security Documents” compiled at the end of 2022, the KISHIDA administration announced its policy to completely remove the ceiling of the military budget of 1% of GDP, which had been the standard to be followed by previous administrations, and to double it to 2% of GDP by FY2027. The fiscal 2024 military budget (the total of defense spending and defense-related expenses), which was approved in the first half of the Diet session, amounted to about 8.9 trillion yen (US$59 billion), an increase of 1.6% of fiscal 2022 GDP in the second year. The plan for a massive military buildup totaling 43 trillion yen (US$920 billion) over the next five years is proceeding steadily and without much resistance. In order to finance the massive military spending, the budgets for social security, medical care, education, and other livelihood-related expenditures are being suppressed across the board, and the burden on the working people is sure to increase due to higher taxes and insurance premiums.

U.S. Strategy toward China behind the enactment of the Economic Secrecy Law

On May 10, the Important Economic Security Bill (Economic Secrets Protection Law) was passed and enacted at a plenary session of the House of Councilors by a majority vote of the Liberal Democratic Party, New Kōmeitō, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the Japan Restoration Party (Ishin), the Democratic Party for the People (Kokumin), and others. The Japanese Communist Party (JCP), Reiwa, and Okinawa-no-Kaze opposed the bill. The Specified Secrets Protection Law, en- acted in 2013 over many voices of opposition, mainly targeted government employees and other public officials involved in defense, diplomacy, and counterterrorism and espionage. In contrast, the Economic Secrets Protection Law expands the scope of secrecy protection to the economic field, intro- duces a “security clearance system” (SC system) to conduct background checks on private citizens who handle secrets, and imposes strict controls on human rights through the acquisition of highly private information, including activity history, credit in- formation, and mental illness. The law is a form of human rights suppression.

The problem is that the introduction of these systems is based on the U.S. strategy to “encircle China,” the total lifting of the ban on arms exports and joint development, and the survival strategy of Japanese capitalism, which aims for a full-scale revival of the military industry through this strategy. The introduction of the SC system was deemed indispensable for promoting joint research and development of weapons with allies and partners (Japan is the only country in the G7 that does not have the SC system). For Japan to have this system is not only a request of the U.S. but also a request of Japanese monopoly capital.

The U.S. government’s “National Security Strategy,” released in 2022, sets forth the concept of “integrated deterrence,” in which the military, diplomatic, and economic power of allied nations is fully utilized to counter China. As part of this strategy, in January 2024, the U.S. Defense Department re- leased the National Defense Industrial Strategy (NDIS), which aims to “integrate” the military industries of allied countries, and in it, the defense industries of allied and partner countries are highly positioned as “the foundation of integrated deterrence.” Based on this strategy, the joint statement of the April 10 Japan-U.S. summit meeting included a call for a “Japan-U.S. Defense Industry Cooperation, Acquisition, and Sustainment (DICAS) Regular Consultative Meeting. In addition, the joint statement on AUKUS (the trilateral security framework) released at the April 8 meeting of the defense ministers of the U.S., U.K., and Australia clearly states that the three countries are considering cooperation with Japan in the field of advanced technology, including joint development of AI (artificial intelligence) and hypersonic missiles.

The Kishida administration rushed to introduce the SC system because of growing U.S. pressure to strengthen this kind of technological and production cooperation with Japan’s military industry. On the other hand, Japanese monopolies are also respond- ing to the U.S. security strategy and using this as an opportunity to revive the munitions industry and develop it into a new growth field (money-making field). This is the reason why they have been vigorously working toward the introduction of the SC system.

Law to create “Joint Operations Command” is part of Japan-U.S. military integration

On May 10, a bill to partially amend the Law for Establishment of the Ministry of Defense, etc., with the creation of a “Joint Operations Command,” which will command all SDF units on land, sea, and air, was also enacted. The partisan breakdown of approval and opposition was the same as for the vote on the Economic Secrets Protection Law. The joint statement of the Japan-U.S. talks clearly stated the “seamless integration of operations and capabilities” of the U.S. and SDF, and more clearly defined the incorporation of the SDF under the command and control of the U.S. military. The creation of a “Joint Operations Command” is nothing more than Japan’s response and concrete measures to dramatically strengthen Japan-U.S. military integration (the creation of a system that enables the entire SD Forces to operate more efficiently and effectively under the command of the U.S. military) in line with the joint statement.

Exporting and developing the next generation fighter jets is the path to becoming a “merchant nation of death

On May 14, a bill to approve a treaty establishing GIGO, an intergovernmental organization responsible for contracts with companies and export control, for the joint development of the next generation fighter jet by Japan, the U.K., and Italy was approved by a majority vote of the ruling and opposition parties in a plenary session of the House of Representatives, and the Diet examination moved to the Upper House. The JCP and Reiwa opposed the proposal.

The government had already eased restrictions on arms exports in late March, lifting a ban on the export of next-generation fighter jets to third countries. Fighter jets are deadly weapons themselves, and allowing their export and development would be a clear violation of the Constitution, as it would fundamentally negate the principle of the ban on arms exports, which successive governments have adhered to a great extent, and would lead the country down the path to becoming a “merchant nation of death.” This move is also based on the demands of both the U.S., which is pursuing its “integrated deterrence strategy” with an eye on China, and Japanese monopoly capital, which aims to revive the military industry.

Proposed revisions to deny local autonomy

On May 28, the House of Representatives General Affairs Committee approved a bill to revise the Local Autonomy Law by a majority vote of the ruling coalition parties, Ishin, the DPP and others. The proposed amendment includes a special exception for the national government to issue instructions to local governments in the event of “a situation that has occurred or is likely to occur that seriously affects the safety of citizens,” such as infectious diseases or disasters, even if there is no provision for such an event in individual laws. The Japan Federation of Bar Associations (JFBA) opposes the proposed amendment on the grounds that it would significantly alter the relationship of “equal cooperation” between the national government and local governments, and that it is highly likely to trigger unjustified intervention by the national government in the affairs of local governments. The criteria for the exercise of the state’s authority to give instructions are vague, and there is a danger that the scope of such authority will be expanded to include wars and other activities, leading to the state’s coercive control and management of the people. It is a move that would reverse the philosophy and system of local autonomy established after World War II in reflection of the prewar administrative system that maximized the power of the state.

Warfare state building is advancing on all fronts

The following are other recent developments in the war state creation process.

● On March 29, the government announced guidelines for building new shelters where residents can evacuate for two weeks in case of a “Taiwan contingency.” The government will pay for the design and construction of the shelters in the Sakishima Islands of Okinawa Prefecture.

● On March 29, the government designated 184 new areas in 28 prefectures to regulate land use around U.S. military and Self-Defense Forces bases and on remote border islands. In the areas designated as “watch zones” and “special watch zones,” various restrictions and monitoring of residents are implemented, resulting in the disruption of economic activities and various human rights violations. This is the fourth time these areas have been designated, bringing the total number of designated areas to 583 nationwide. The “special watch areas” are located around major U.S. military bases throughout Japan, including Kadena Air Base and Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture, Misawa Air Base (Aomori Prefecture), Yokota Air Base (Tokyo), U.S. Fleet Activities Yokosuka (Kanagawa Prefecture), Marine Corps Air Station Iwaku- ni (Yamaguchi Prefecture), and Sasebo Naval Base (Nagasaki Prefecture).

● On April 1, the government decided to designate 16 airports and harbors across the country as “designated key airports and harbors” and to develop and expand them for smooth use by the SDF and the Japan Coast Guard in the event of an emergency. They are five air- ports, including Naha Airport, and 11 ports, including Ishigaki Port.

● In its “Progress and Budget for Drastic Reinforcement of Defense Capabilities ” (FY2024 budget plan), the Ministry of Defense allocated 22.2 billion yen (US$148MM) for the construction of new ammunition de- pots at 14 locations across Japan, including Okinawa, Kyushu, Hokkaido, and Kyoto. As for the plan to build a new ammunition depot at the Hōsono vice-camp of the Ground SDF in Seika Town, Kyoto Prefecture, local citizens’ groups have been calling for holding explanatory meetings since the beginning of April.

There are other issues regarding the conversion of Japan to a war state: The actual state of the strengthening of military alliances in the Asia-Pacific region (the creation of an “Asian ver- sion of NATO”), which includes not only the Ja- pan-US alliance but also the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, Australia, and Taiwan; the progress of missile bases across Japan, starting with the Nan- sei Islands; the problem of right-wing, nationalistic thought control in the SDF, as manifested in the visits to Yasukuni Shrine by SDF officials; The issue of the “five constitutional reform factions” in the Constitutional Review Commission have positioned the issue of extending the term of office of Diet members in emergency situations as a break- through for a clear-cut constitutional amendment. However, in the view of limited space, these will have to be left for other opportunities.

The ongoing war crises in East Asia, the war in Ukraine, which is a result of NATO’s expansion to the east, and Israel’s ongoing campaign to destroy Gaza are all basically caused by the global strategy of the U.S.-centered imperialist powers to maintain their global dominance. It should be noted that the Kishida administration’s policies for the war state is also based on this overall strategy of the imperialist powers.

The DPJ voted in favor of all the war bills we have already discussed (the Economic Secrets Protection Law, the law to create the “Joint Operations Com- mand,” and the proposal to approve the treaty to establish “GIGO”). The DPJ is a party that origi- nally endorsed both the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and Japan’s military buildup. However, because the DPJ has the attributes of a parliamentary party, it will also take an anti-war and anti-constitutional amendment stance if public opinion changes.

The key is whether or not we can build a strong mass movement to change public opinion. Let us create a swell of opposition to the creation of war system in East Asia!

Published in Shiso-Undo, November 2024.