A Critical Look at the Possibilities and Capabilities of the National Ideal on the Threshold of the New Millennium

A Critical Look at the Possibilities and Capabilities of the National Ideal on the Threshold of the New Millennium

Introduction and Theoretical Conceptual Framework

It is a proven knowledge that the dialogic relationship established by nations, their own cultural basins and the basic texts of the world cultural heritage has a very important role in the great developments and transformations in the history of civilization. In this respect, it is extremely important for every age and nation living in that age to make readings and interpretations specific to their age and needs. Scientific, religious and cultural texts do not have a final and frozen meaning. The level and depth of the relationship to be established with this heritage and creativity constitute the basic references for a new civilized move. All this reading and dialogue should allow ontological, epistemological and ethical expansions, and should have an encompassing framework that can ground the understanding of time, space, human, universe, world, things, and political philosophy. Since the Turks were able to carry out this operation very successfully before the last hundred years of their history, they have been the determining actors of the geography they are in in every period of their history. Turkish thought in the modern period is in a state of crisis. In this study, it will be tried to make a classification, criticism and examination of the contemplation and reflection activities that should be done at the theoretical level in order to overcome the aforementioned crisis situation.

Turkish Cultural Basin

In order to define a cultural tradition, concepts such as cultural environment, cultural hinterland, cultural ecology, cultural geography are used inspired by different scientific traditions. The concepts I am talking about are productive concepts and evaluations in the Western social sciences literature. Explanations, models and solutions put forward to understand and explain a social structure cannot be directly transferred to explain and analyze another social structure. In this sense, I propose the concept of “Turkish cultural basin” as a new proposal, which I think can best conceptualize the dynamics of Turkish cultural history and social structure. The Turkish nation has been the pioneer of peace, tolerance and justice in an area of 55 million square kilometers that it politically controlled in the continents of Asia, Europe and Africa throughout the 5000-year history. It is a senior nation of history that has had cultural and political relations with all ancient civilizations in these geographies. All the great philosophers of history, from Toynbee to Spengler, mention Turkish culture [sometimes under the title of Islamic civilization] among the great cultures and civilizations of the world. We understand from the information presented to us by the history of civilization that not all ethnicities in the world have been able to develop and organize a political and cultural spread and claim at the same rate in the historical process. According to Walter Ong, he claims that “only seventy-eight of the three thousand or so languages spoken today can produce literature and hundreds of languages have not encountered an alphabet that can express themselves (Ong 1995:14). In this sense, the great cultural and literary languages that still exist in the world as “de facto” originate from this historical fact. When we look at the integrity of the culture, we see that the peoples who share the same environmental conditions and generation have similar cultural elements, but they do not develop in the same level and direction, and even they produce different cultures from the same environmental conditions. Turkish language and literature is one of them. Unfortunately, the nature of history and nature is not egalitarian “according to human logic and understanding”.

From the middle of the tunnel in the north to the middle of the knuckle in the south, the area of ​​12 million square kilometers from the Tundra belt to the Mediterranean basin, Mesopotamia, Turkistan to the Adriatic coast is the geography where Turkish culture and civilization has historically been inhabited. Peoples and societies other than America and Australia before the geographical discoveries The world consists of the continents of Asia, Europe and Africa. In ancient geographical literature, this area is called the “Old world”. Its total area is 85 million square kilometers. The area of 55 million square kilometers, which makes up 3/2 of this area, is the area that Turkish tribes and communities have politically controlled in the historical process. Considering the geographical depth and breadth of Turkish culture, it covers a region that is the heartland of Eurasia. 20° east longitude Gül Baba lodge in Budapest, the last Turkish monument in the west, 100° east longitude It is the easternmost end of the area from the Saha-Yenisey line to the Tarım basin. It is the geography of Turkish culture from Sudan – Khartoum and Suakin port in the south to Yemen, following the Tundra belt in the north, to Petersburg, Tyumen and Siberia. There are traces/artifacts of Turkish culture in all these geographies.

During their march from east to west, north and south, the Turks showed their ability to survive by producing a cultural tradition that reconciles, transforms and reconciles with the cultural tradition of every geography they are in. He recognized different architectural and aesthetic understandings, artistic understandings, language and traditions, beliefs, material and technical possibilities and agreed with them. In this geography, different ethnicities and faith traditions have lived together with the Turks. A common civilization symbolism and grammar was produced by kneading a common belief repertoire within the same belief circle with Muslim communities of different ethnicities. Kurds, Georgians, Albanians, Laz, Circassians, ilh… These are all elements of symbolism and grammar. When you consider these cultures individually, what you will find in the original “unique” sense does not go beyond a limited and archaic folklorism. However, the way of life and social organization/existence that includes these peoples and which we call the “Turkish cultural basin” offers us a very rich set of possibilities.

In the historical process, these related peoples had the opportunity to develop life and self-production in the [habitus] created by the Turkish political domination. In historical sections where the Turkish political dominance was weakened or interrupted, we see that these peoples are victims and oppressed in every sense. In this sense, we can liken the Turkish political mind and organizationalism in the basin to the structure of the atom, with a metaphor. In the center, there is Turkish political organization and political mind as the core. The gravitational force of the nucleus holds protons, neutrons and other particles together, allowing the formation of matter. In this sense, the Turkish political power has enabled/enabled our relatives in this geography to continue their existence by protecting and protecting our relatives, who are on the axis of common belief, within their own area of ​​peace and security. In this context, our common pain, symbols and our daily life practice, which we constantly update, are an extremely favorable ground for the construction of an unshakable tomorrow and future.

In order to understand this social and cultural reality from an encompassing perspective as much as possible, the term Turkish cultural basin is used by referring to the fact that the flora and fauna of the entire area from which a stream passes from its source to the sea or lake, including all kinds of accumulation, reaches the sea. The stream is embedded with all the accumulation of the basin it passes through. However, when it reaches the sea or mixes with other streams, it creates a completely different organic structure. You can no longer separate the Kızılırmak, Yeşilırmak and Çoruh waters in the Black Sea, and that water is called the sea. The classification of streams or streams and rivers loses their meaning and validity in that big stream. Western travelers and thinkers called Turchia, Micro Turchia, Macro Turchia, in the historical process, to the civilization and geography that the Turkish cultural basin created together with all its components in its geography. While the Western civilization, which is against our civilization, has positioned us in the opposite value cluster, it has not been sufficiently focused on the definition as Turkish, not with Ottoman, Safavid, etc. clan names. The West is well aware of our merging ethnic communities. Those who express and define the field in front of them, as hegemony and tradition, called it Turkish as a whole. In other words, in all the struggles in the Balkans, the Middle East, the Caucasus, and Africa, they understood and defined Turkishness as the political mind and antiquity that represented these geographies.

This situation; XIX. Since the second half of the century, with Europe coming to the fore in the balance of world powers, the Islamic representation and “Turkish Islam” symbolism identified with Turkishness have been successfully shifted in axis with the constructions of Arab civilization and Islamic civilization. “XIX. Condemned by the secularized West in the century, it was a “Turkish Islam as a religion” based on sharia = law, which consisted of orders and prohibitions such as polygamy, stoning for adultery, cutting hands for theft, allowing slavery and suppressing women’s rights. On the other hand, what was favored was “Arab Islam as civilization”, which historically mediated the circulation of Mediterranean civilization with its performance in science, philosophy and art, mainly depicted by French orientalism; As seen in Hegel’s approach, according to this mentality, the religion of Islam, which is identified with fiqh, is an obstacle to progress (mani’-i terakki), the work of the Turks, whereas the Islamic civilization, which is characterized by the work of Arabs, is suitable for progress (kabil-i terakki). XIX. The stereotyping of “barbarian” Turks as “Turanian” and their work of legalistic Islam as “Semitic” with linguistic racial theories developed by the German-born British philologist Friedrich Max Müller (1823-1900) and French philologist Ernest Renan (1823-1892) in the century. It was an extension of the marginalization of Islam (Gencer 2007:10).

According to British intellectuals, Turks; By destroying the centers of Arab civilization, they prevented the development of the Arabs under their rule. It does not suit the Christian European civilization to allow the Turks who insist on barbarism to stay in Europe; Turks must be expelled from Europe (Gencer 2012:297). The historical break and decline of the last 300 years must be understood from this perspective.

The theory and practice of symbiosis, which Turkish culture inherited from the relationship and connection with the cultural basins of Iran, India, Central Asia, China, Iran, Mesopotamia, Mediterranean, Rumelia, in the historical process is a legacy that needs to be reconsidered. There are also non-Muslim peoples and cultures in the Turkish cultural basin where we have lived side by side with the law of neighborhood for millennia and with which we have built great interactions and sometimes a symbiotic “living space”. As a noble heritage of ancient civilizations, they are extremely indispensable as integral parts of our cultural heritage.

The Opportunity of Turkish Culture

This ancient tradition produced the only form of residence in which places of worship and holy places of all religions, sects and beliefs can be found side by side, and established kinship with people in all the geography he went to.

When we look at the Turkish history and state philosophy in all these processes, you will see that the nation cannot share its “political sovereignty” with anyone, including individuals and groups.

With the cultural tradition, peace and stability it has established over the Turkish geography over a thousand years, it has become an umbrella of security and justice over Muslim and related communities and their non-Muslim neighbors.

Western sociological terms are always insufficient to express the social and cultural structure produced in the Anatolian geography. The concepts of race and ethnicity have a different meaning here than is known in the literature. Due to the law of kinship in this geography, the communities you call ethnic have an intricate and deep accumulation in terms of belief, folklore and culture that cannot be found in other geographies of the world. This wealth is inherent in the deep common sense and vast knowledge of the Turkish nation.

From the perspective of the West, the Eastern world is a repertoire of the other in which it will form its own identity. The image of Eastern Barbarism, which started in the Persian-Greek struggle in the ancient period, was consolidated by stratification in the process under the collective consciousness of the West.

It is scientific to marginalize Turks, Muslims and the Eastern world in this sense! It has an infrastructure. XIX. Race-based approaches, which started in the 19th century under the influence of Positivist philosophy and Darwinism, quickly turned into a political project with a scientific image.

“XIX. Gobineau, the leading racial theorist of the 20th century, considered race as the sole factor shaping people and cultures. His contemporary German philologist Friedrich Max Müler, who taught at Oxford University for half a century, developed a linguistic notion of race with his work on three languages: Sami, Aryan, and Turan. Thereafter, Aryan and Semitic languages ​​and races were polarized as expressions of two religious mentalities. According to Renan, Aryan and Semitic represented characters specific to certain social formations in history. The dynamic structure of the static Sami language and the dynamic structure of the Aryan language had also affected the perception and mentality patterns of its users. The Semitic race is monotheist, monotheistic, bigoted and stagnant, the Aryan race is polytheistic, trinitarian, tolerant, free-willed, creative and progressive. Although Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are religions descended from the same monotheistic Semitic tradition, Christianity eventually liberated itself from the influence of the Aryan race and earned the right to be called the perfect example of the Aryan religion. This negative Semitic mentality is constantly extended to Islam. This Aryan Sami distinction was reinforced by the Iranian/Turanian distinction. Max Müller defines Aryani languages, which are inflected languages, as the most suitable languages ​​for the development of civilization. On the other hand, the adjacent Turan language was a language that suited Turkish nomadic life. Due to the structure of their language, Turks could neither establish a permanent state nor a unique creative civilization throughout history (Gencer 2012:303-304).

The approach that TDK tried to systematize as the “Sun Language Theory” during the Atatürk period was a concern to respond to Müller and Europe’s aggressive and marginalizing philology-based policies. Unfortunately, social scientists in Turkey, “including linguists”, have reflected on this issue by naïvely and distorting it without researching and understanding the reasons. Therefore, the most extremist believers of the Indo-European Language Family theory are still in Turkey.

Turks, in their historical adventures, ‘as we can follow from the sources’ political intellectual reading of the first millennium, within the framework of the utopia of “Kün tuğ bolsin root kurikan”, in accordance with the command of the divine will, in order to “make justice prevail”, as a principle of “make the knees kneel – the head bowed”. presented in line with the strategy. This political, military, intellectual strategy was put into practice after the establishment of the “provincial and custom” order. In this process from the beginning to the 10th century, Turks A syncretic pragmatic syncretism in the form of nomadic settlement, with a regime that we can call a military democratic state[1] due to the conventions and wedding traditions they organized for different levels of participation and purposes (Seyitdanlıoğlu 2009:1-11). In this historical process that they lived with a cultural understanding, they sometimes existed as a regional, generally global culture and as dominant political actors. The theoretical framework of this first civilized move is a stage in which the kamlık order, the assembly of the elders and the wise, formed the historical thought and metaphysical assumptions that drew the theoretical framework. In the first place, the ancient Turkish mythical contemplation resolves the ontological issue definitively. The source of existence and things, the most absolute will in the universe appears as the will of God. human beings have always been created to die”] (Ergin 2008). Existence is based on a first cause and existence is a purposeful action. Political philosophy has a justice-based perspective, understanding of knowledge, metaphysics and physics [which combines the field of noumena and phenomenon without conflict], evaluating man and all categories of existence within a holistic and organic system.

We see that the Turks brought to life a chain of cultural continuity by blending the existing structures with their own practice and tradition in the face of the new civilization circles and belief traditions they encountered with their west, north and south orientation. With their entry into the circle of Islamic civilization, Maturidi kalam perspective, ancient Turkish religious tolerance, ancient Greek logic and philosophy accumulation coming from Baghdad and Iran were re-read and blended with the actionist unity of existence mysticism, and expressed with the sentences of Mahmud of Kashgar. After dominating Ancient Iran land and culture with the Dandanakan War in 1040, the key to the enormous development that descended from the Chinese border to the Mediterranean, the contemplative climate has not been adequately examined. Transoxiana is the intersection point of Iran and Turan world. Due to its location on the historical trade route and its strategic location, it has a very rich stratification of ancient Persian, Sogdian, Greek/Bactrian, Turkish traditions and cultural accumulations.

In his work titled “Divanü Lügat’it Türk”, which he presented to the Abbasid caliph Al-Muktedî Billah in Baghdad, Kaşgarlı reveals/dictates the universal ideal of Turkishness in the new millennium. By citing a hadith: Almighty God: I have an army that I named Turks. I combined them in the east. If I get angry with a nation, I will give them the task of punishing…”

“The Almighty God: Learn Turkish, because Turkish has a long reign…” he says. These words are “a functional reading of Islamic literature in its age from the perspective of Turkish contemplation. The determination, the cultural and strategic mind behind the descent of Turkishness from the Chinese border to the Mediterranean in a century are just the expansion of these principles and determination.

The main backbone of the challenge in the second millennium is the ideal of “nizam-ı alam ilayi kelimatullah” [new universal public order understanding]. The justice utopia of ancient Turkishness is renewed and infused with this new belief and reaches a completely different creative synthesis. The “great rebuilding” that some people try to distort as “synthesis”, which they sneer at with insensitivity and shallowness, has been formed within this framework. The world view of the Turkish nation [=Weltanschauung] and Selbstbewusstsein [=self-consciousness/self-awareness] processes have created a new world of values ​​with this new world of values. It has gained an “ideological” reference. What constitutes self-consciousness is the question [wer oder was bin ich?=who or what am I?]. It can be said that the Turkish nation became productive with tremendous energy during the processes when this question was theoretically filled and clarified at scientific, metaphysical and popular levels. According to Fichte, what constitutes self-perception and self-knowledge begins with the sentence “I exist” (Ich bin). Fichte deduces the entire content of consciousness quite radically from this basic sentence. The I is in no way determined from the outside, it determines itself by its own actions. In this sense, objects outside of me do not have an existence on their own; they are products of Me. The I itself opposes itself a not-I” (Das Ich setzt sich selbst ein Nicht-Ich entgegen). The fact of presenting this opposite is the act of self-consciousness, which, according to Fichte, expresses itself in this opposition. This act is a necessary one for him, because without it consciousness would be devoid of content. In fact, it is not the Self who wants this opposite, but the consciousness itself needs an opposite (Topakkaya 2007:49-59). A civilized leap forward will begin with an answer to this question in accordance with the spirit of the times.

Problem Areas

Especially in the West, the new understanding of knowledge and science, which emerged in Europe after the Renaissance and Reformation and was not seen in any other geography and tradition until that day, shook the perception order of our civilization as well as all ancient traditions.

“After the Renaissance, on the secular plane, it took the form of carrying the data obtained from these experiments and observations to the theoretical plane and testing the predictions by making predictions from the theories. If we look at the works on the history of science, the term modern science, which we will focus on here, historically goes back to the 16th century.

As a matter of fact, when we look at the works related to the philosophy of science or the history of science, the term modern science started with the Renaissance in the West and developed with the Age of Enlightenment in the 18th century, and became widespread thanks to the positivism of the 19th century, making its impact felt all over the world. It is seen that it is used to express a certain tradition of doing science that has reached the end of the world. With the God-oriented perspective of the Middle Ages, the modern understanding of science, which was born as its antithesis and diverged after a certain conflict, within the dialectic with it, was tried to be purified from the dominance of the religious in the hands of thinkers such as Galilee, Buruno, Kepler, Newton (Aydin 2007:1-17).

In this new scientific approach, scientific knowledge is restricted to the experimental a posteriori field only in the observable and measurable field. XX. At the beginning of the century, quantum theory in physics and the philosophy of science gained a whole new field with the uncertainty discussions. Now even in pure science Physics we can speak of a limited reality, not an absolute certainty. With Kurt Gödel’s annoying set theory, it has been revealed that mathematics is not always sufficient for logical proof.

We are faced with the paradox of the ‘natural limitations of the subject’, where the enslaved encompasses and explains the perpetrator. Logic, language, and mathematics are also incapable of fully expressing natural reality. Intellectuals around the national ideal have not yet produced an answer that we can call an alternative to this new situation from within their original resources and civilization basins. The language they have established and used continues to be produced through the equipment, attitudes, values ​​and tools of the victorious civilization.

Current Criticisms on Turkish National Accumulation

In the new hegemony order that emerged with the transition to the capitalist economic order after the geographical discoveries, the axis of the world political economy gradually shifted from Asia to Europe. This has also brought about a change in the relations of knowledge, power, power and hegemony.

A new production and consumption culture has emerged in the transition period from mercantilism to capitalism. This new system, unknown to other times and places, is the capitalist model. The production, distribution and control processes and mechanisms of knowledge are directly related to its “kindness and quality” and its purpose. When we look at the post-capitalist European social sciences and historiography, we see that a Eurocentric perception of history and civilization has begun to dominate.

Turkish political and strategic ability from ancient times to XX. It has been one of the dominant political forces in all geographies it has been in until the beginning of the century. Throughout this process, he has accumulated a great deal of military strategic knowledge and experience.

XIX. Since the 19th century, Turks and all eastern civilizations have been relatively backward against the capitalist and modernist civilization. However, despite this, they were able to establish a young republic from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire, which was disintegrating in the final analysis. The Turkish military elite has a profile that can follow the political and intellectual developments in the world, and therefore leads the society and the country. After the NATO alliance, which we joined in the new world order that developed after the republic, the Turkish political and military mind had significantly regressed with the accumulation of “translator rather than copyright”.

Atatürk and his generation are a generation that is aware of the strategy classics of the world. The fact that we don’t even have a realistic and qualified Turkish map of the Turkish world at a time when we sleep with the word Turkish world today is very explanatory in terms of revealing our situation.

And not necessarily international relations experts… So-called analyzes like daisy fortunes… Strange guys with a British accent who don’t have any equipment or idea about history, culture, sociology, Turkish philosophy of history, and sociology, changing sequences like a”mmm. There is no reference to a basic Turkish historical source, sociology literature, geography literature in any of them. Many do not know the main sources of Turkish culture. [I’m extracting what they don’t know from the texts they wrote,] But mashallah, they will make a “brain stormy” about that nation. A culture without memorization and depth. In the face of international relations experts from basic sciences such as Kissinger, Brezezinski and Fukuyama, the words of this mediocre seem like “aphasic delirium”. This intelligence trains the Turkish staff, and this mediocrity equips the state apparatus with national intelligence. Needless to say, it’s not very equipped! In our military promotion and promotion system, continent and field experience and success should be taken into account as much as other factors, military service is an activity to be done in the field in the final analysis. As a nation that has been fighting for thousands of years, we must produce our own military and strategic literature and manuals. After a certain rank in military schools and academies, military departments that will only put field experience and experience in writing and process it scientifically should be rooted. In this sense, support can be obtained from civil sources.

We have not been able to produce a strategic mind and literature that will guide our allies within NATO. Let’s talk the truth. This geography is our geography, but our allies dominate the inventory of this geography. In the new millennium, it is extremely vital for the future of Turkishness that China, which has the potential to be a strategic threat to Western Asia, does not spill over into Turkestan and Siberia, as well as in Russia, China and the Atlantic bloc. Likewise, the Black Sea-Caspian axis will be one of the new strategic struggle areas. This geography is our geography, but we do not have a serious study on this subject other than the tea conversation. Turkey can and should study this issue with NATO, Russia and the United States and create alternative policies. By 2025, the heart of the world economy will be Asia. Due to its location, Turkey is the most strategic window of this market to the world, and in this sense, issues should be taken seriously in institutes and research centers that will blend logistics, culture and economy holistically. Its number is 170. [For detailed literature, see http://www.indiana.edu/~rifias/Publications_List.htm#uralt].

(The people standing in front of us as military, civil, political and international relations experts are far from the equipment and foresight compatible with Turkey’s acquis. This includes the opposition. They do not know the form and content of the possibilities, abilities and reflexes of the Turkish cultural basin. We do not know the inventory anyway. Our gentlemen are informed with a Powerpoint presentation. “The situation is as it is presented in the presentation.” They couldn’t even show the prudence to transfer and present it through institutions using the money, which is the legacy of . The researches on Turkish archeology could never start. They said they will open a website. And they have an empty set of academic advisors. Intelligent mind, ….!)

In an age where the world is flowing in another direction, we seem to live in a parallel universe unrelated to it. We are a nation that survived the cold war without our Soviet expert!

In the cultural sciences, as well as in international relations, it is impossible for us to have a complete and infallible knowledge of facts, of things. In Turkey, “I call on national intellectuals of all views: Turkey is falling into the abyss with this mediocrity: Please come forward and put forward a new theoretical opportunity, theory and program as an intellectual platform initiative. Invite the grassroots and politicians to action-theory consistency. Before the institutional structures are postponed, please do not waste money on bringing together Turkey’s experience. Intellectuals and all kinds of representatives who make unnecessary shagil in the national field, please make room. You cannot grasp and explain this new situation with the Gökalp, Atsız, teacher’s school and January seminars. Something new needs to be said against this cut dance. Take a breath and think of something new “against this cut dance”. You will have the opportunity to look at new texts half as much as what you speak and write.

You can no longer pass the NATOist mediocre as Turkish nationalism, Saymak and Kalin Oghuz gentlemen’s “menak” is inexhaustible, you make up for it!

Mediate the entry of fresh blood into the system. Let’s deal with each issue independently and discuss it together, and put before the practitioners short, medium, long-term texts with a, b, c options. Let the representatives of the national front stop improvising and benefit from them. In the current situation, the words of national institutions and structures [civil or political] do not even satisfy us. [that’s why we always have Emel Sayın’s song, “You’re a liar, like a liar, my dear. Like the best!] At the beginning of the new century, our priority is to be national, “nationalism should mature after it as a natural reflex”. In the civil sphere, in the fields of natural power, ‘let’s not be in the economy’, it is necessary to put forth remarkable texts in law, science, culture, art, academic theology, education, and strengthen these fields and become powerful. In the face of this weight, the “raw slogan” circumcised Danishmends and the political elite should tidy up; If not, he will have to be eliminated.

This is a responsibility that history has placed on you. Let’s not forget that the account of history asks the intellectuals.

In today’s context, nation states and nation structures are under the attack of global power centers, neoliberalism and multinational (global) companies in the Turkish-Islamic world. Although they have historically controlled trade routes and opportunities for many years, the Eastern ‘Turkish World’ and the Islamic world do not have a capitalist production and marketing culture, banks, bonds, stocks, etc. Since they did not know the partnership models, they could not provide sufficient and rapid capital accumulation. This is one of the most basic economic and political factors that started with the Renaissance, Geographical discoveries and overcoming the difference between East and West.

In the beginning, liberalism saw the nation-state as an umbrella for its growth and exploitation of the domestic market, while at the present stage, it sees nation-states and limitations as its enemies due to the ever-increasing production and development necessity of the capitalist model. Capital and entrepreneurs have never been so reckless and outside the law in any period of history. On the other hand, the circulation power of the labor was limited and the labor force was turned into a labor market. In this sense, while excluding nation-states and national accumulation, imperialism is integrating within itself, while provoking all kinds of ethnic and religious divisions outside itself. Plans to divide the world into 5000 city-states are being voiced by strategic research institutes belonging to imperialism.

For a modernly functioning democracy to exist, there is a need for order and stability, and a region where individual and public security is ensured. These are necessary but not sufficient conditions. There is a need for educated workforce productivity, a high-quality population, an average level of welfare, citizens who can decide on their own will and have individual values. Sociology has a large literature on this subject. [See. Edward Tönnies, Gemainschaft Geselschaft. The author evaluates the subject with knowledge in his work.].

The community is a closed system. His will and action are limited to his own living space. All his preferences and priorities are in that world. For example, they collect aid from the whole nation, but they do help, solidarity and exchange only within their own system. This structure is an attitude against social solidarity and social responsibility, which will take the nation system back. He considers those other than himself as “poor people who have not understood the truth” and sees no harm in applying all kinds of discriminatory treatment. This structure produces the individual hypocrisy and the subject-subordinate (master-slave) relationship. Mastery is a structure produced by the understanding of slavery and which has the opportunity to exist thanks to it.

This is the structure that some public opinion has put on the path of democratization by giving support and voting to save Turkey from tutelage.

How interesting is it that global capitalism and liberalism and its hypocritical comrade postmodernism have declared the end of all grand narratives while not saying a word about capitalism? While global capitalism/liberalism is making its so-called self-criticism, at the level of discourse, liberalism and global capitalism are “the least objectionable of all possible worlds” so you have no choice, please obey! is making the call. Global capitalism is logically weak as it is the only option before humanity, the only option as a production and economic model. It is philosophically and logically impossible to establish such a theory; is null and void.

The Turkish nation, and in particular Turkish nationalists, have to come to terms with the wrong and ideological understanding of religiosity, which tends to establish hegemony on consciousness that has been politicized and reproduced through trade and interest relations, ignoring the individual and his or her freedoms from being human. There is no possibility of escaping and neglecting from here. We need to return to our own main sources and re-read the understanding that has been blended with the Asharist interpretation, reign/property concern and ideology over the centuries. Gazali, Farabi, İbni Sina, Nasreddin Tusi, Harezmi, Ali Kuşcu, Kadızade Rumi, Takiyüddin etc. In the religious sense, Imam-i Azam should reconsider the Maturidi line in the creed. Transoxiana Turkish thought circle in the 300-year period [X. and XIII. Between the centuries] Turkish culture and civilization political dominance point should be re-examined. In 1070, Kaşgarlı Mahmud defended the necessity of learning Turkish in his work titled Divan ü Lügat’it Türk, which he presented to the Abbasid caliph, with a hadith saying “Learn Turkish, because their dominance will take a long time”, and he makes an intellectual challenge by saying “even if there is no such hadith, the mind requires it”. . Here, Kashgarli discursively imposes the Turkish will power and dominance on the caliph of Islam. As a matter of fact, the Turks, who entered from Manzikert in 1071, took the entire geography of Turkey under control in 100 years and expanded the Turkish domination to an enormous geography from the Chinese border to the Mediterranean. This is not a coincidence, on the contrary, it is the product of a high intellectual dimension and deep strategic tactical genius. The solution we can find to our current problems is through the examination and criticism of this heritage. Readings and evaluations that will pose the intellectual challenge of the new millennium should be built on this main axis.

In the current situation, the politicized understanding of religion claims to spread its power in all spheres of existence as a set of ideological propositions. Likewise, the narrow positivist progressive scientific understanding of the 19th century is in a symmetrical position in the intellectual field. Without going beyond such a theoretical issue, concepts such as modernity, democracy, popular sovereignty remain in the air. Here, it is useful to look at the following determinations of Hafızoğulları.

“The social life style called democracy is possible only in legal systems whose source is human will. This means that even if some organs of the state, which is the political organization of the society, are formed by election in legal systems whose source is considered divine will, the social life style called democracy is never possible in these social orders. However, today, in some modern theocratic states, the legislative as well as the executive branch coming to power through elections and their legal rules show that they are not a “democratic state” but only a theocentric state.

In a democratic state order, the society as a whole system of norms is not created, but is perceived as a product of the human mind (will). . In this context, secularism is not the result of the democratic order, but the democratic order is the result of secularism.

In that case, democratic legal systems, which find their material source in human will, are a pure cultural value of the societies in which they have order. This cultural value, at least since the 18th century, has tended to be universal as well as being national.

As such, national-democratic society, law and state orders, which find their source in the thought of secularism (or secularism); Especially in western societies, all kinds of ummatist-theocratic society have emerged as a new civilization completely different from them, in which the human being is placed at the center, by liquidating the law and state orders. Every secular social order is not a democratic social order. On the other hand, every democratic social order is also a secular social order, because when democracy is perceived as the people’s self-government, an order that allows the people to govern themselves by their own will is only possible if the source of law is human will.

The characteristic of liberal-democratic social orders is their pluralistic character. Pluralism is, first of all, the multiplicity and diversity of the rules that form the fabric of the society and the institutions formed by these rules. When we look at a democratic social order, here, in addition to the legal rules that make up the political fabric of the society, there are also moral and religious rules, and therefore a wide variety of institutionalizations connected to them. is seen. In this realm of many and varied rules, which often regulate the same phenomenon, even affect each other, and are therefore claimed to be intertwined in some places, the last determining rules are necessarily the rules of law, because only those rules whose source is human will can be determined by the people’s own will. able to manage itself.

In liberal-democratic legal systems, as a result of pluralism, human beings are both made the subject of many and varied norms in many and various positions, and they are also necessarily made equal before the law. Equality before the law, language, religion, race, gender, thought, etc. It is to consider every human being honorable and of equal social value, without discrimination, that is, not to make anyone the subject of a privileged treatment because of some personal or social characteristics.

The obligatory result of equality before the law is that every person has the right to freedom of thought, opinion, religion and conscience and their expression. Undoubtedly, this basic structure constitutes the backbone of liberal-democratic legal orders.

Really. In a liberal-democratic legal order, no one’s thoughts, religious beliefs and conscientious convictions can be interfered with. Everyone is free to think, believe and conscientious opinion. Freedom is not a “grant” of anyone, it is a “right” of a person. The fact that a person has an opinion, a religion or an opinion is not a reason for difference or superiority in the eyes of others.

This means that unlike other social orders, in liberal-democratic social orders, human beings are not reduced to monism, that is, to a single sterile dimension, and therefore their “ethical” riches are meticulously preserved. In these orders, in which “unqualified man” is the center of which is an absolute ethical value, on the one hand, man is shaped by the values ​​of the legal order formed by his will, on the other hand, provided that they do not conflict with this order, the values ​​of both moral orders from which he is the source and religious orders whose source is divine. is formed with. Indeed, as a living species, in such an order, human being is the addressee of morality, thus gaining human identity, being the addressee of the law, thus gaining the identity of a person, being the addressee of a belief system, and thus gaining the identity of a servant or ummah. On the other hand, in liberal-democratic legal systems, within this pluralistic structure that constitutes the social fabric of the democratic society, individuals can be the addressee of the lower orders of each normative order, provided that they are not prohibited by law. As a matter of fact, in this system, a person is both a citizen of a state as the addressee of the legal order, and a political party, an association, a professional organization, a company, etc. On the other hand, they can both respect their own moral values ​​depending on the universal moral values, and can be a member of various sub-formations of that religion by believing in a religion. As can be seen, societies, which are the products of human will, are in constant dynamism, change and mutual interaction. This complex phenomenon, the center of which is human as an ethical value, on the one hand creates the culture and therefore the civilization texture of the society to which it belongs, on the other hand, it creates the lifestyle and quality of that society. It is accepted that the rules of religion are set by God.

Unfortunately, it is not God who enforces these rules. Of course, those who enforce the rules are those who interpret the rules. Indeed, the rule applied without interpretation has not yet been found. As such, those who apply the rules have linked the source of sovereignty, which is an element of the state, to divine will; they derived the idea of ​​theocratic, theocentric state orders from here; of course, as a result of this, they politicized the holy religion by making the religious order also the order of the society. does not allow pluralism; that is, in such a social order, even if they are shown differently, religion, morality and law are essentially the same thing, a violation of one is also considered a violation of the other, therefore, the violation must be met with a legal sanction.(In summary from Hafizoğulları 1996:1-16)” .

While secular thought excludes social, religious and national accumulation from the state and legal life in moral terms, it should treat individual and social freedoms equally respectfully. Ladinism, material, secular, rational, empirical experience, as well as transcendent, sacred spiritual, spiritual, metaphysical experience enriches the social and cultural life. Historical experience allows this to be said. Despite all objections, religious and cultural accumulation is effective to some extent in the production of law. The main criterion here is the concern to act rationally.

The normative values ​​of morality and social life have been largely derived from these sources. In addition, the ethical framework that is tried to be formed based on the principle of “good for everyone”, which is acceptable to everyone, is intertwined with the religious and moral systems that favor natural goodness and emphasize conscientious action. In this sense, an understanding that internalizes values ​​and the ideal of searching for the common good and reinforcing this with the education system should form one of the basic pillars of the national democratic view. In this context, the emphasis of world pedagogical circles on the indispensability of values ​​education in terms of human and social future is increasing. It is possible to briefly state the objections and criticisms as follows:

I. The civil base of the national ideal, non-governmental organizations [=foundations, associations and societies, assemblies], all kinds of political and cultural legal entities do not have a function beyond repeating ancient knowledge and practices, which are far from a critical understanding, with a reductive shallow and superficial repetition practice. .

II. The theory and practice of the Balkan Wars, World War I and the National Struggle process, the idea of the Turkish hearth, the oldest non-governmental organization in Turkey, is the fruit of its scientific and actionary activities. How can we present a Turkey-oriented perspective to the world in the New Millennium?

III. A baseless conservatism [peasants with little land as a social base, civil servants and small shopkeepers] believes in what it preserves as political conservatism. Is this really so? If what is meant is cultural conservatism, can you preserve the culture despite the changes in the mode of production and the ownership of the means of production, property relations, and the economic structure? If this is possible, why are we not here with the clothes of our ancestors? What are the things that continue and change in culture, is their determination dependent on our will? Another cultural and political national tendency that looks like its symmetry in the face of a baseless conservatism is an attempt to design Turkish thought with a political and political content through Turcology studies. Since the theory has no unity of praxis, no background, no political economy, it can only provide material for a real contemplation activity as it is. From this point of view, it does not seem possible to make up for the lack of theoretical understanding and explanation that we need.

IV. How should we fill the ground beyond repeating the phrase “to change by continuing, to continue by changing” as a polite word and slogan?

V. A climate of thought that interprets all criticism as gossip and defeat cannot be fruitful by misinterpreting the principle of “Def-i mefasid subpoena is undesirable”. Why doesn’t “There is good in the disagreement of my ummah” [it should mean discussions among scholars] not shed any light on us?

VI The word “Criticism” derives from the root “nakd”. “Cash” is a measure of value given when purchasing something, and criticism means to value that thing. (FA TANSEL, Good and Correct Writing Methods, Vol: I-II, p. 192)

“Even perfection cannot bear the heavy burden of dry repetition.” This judgment of the English philosopher Alfred North Whitehead continues:

“It takes more than science to produce a civilization with the density of a first spark. So the sense of adventure, which is a new pursuit of perfection, is inevitable.”

Despite the long years that have passed, the idea that emerged around the newspaper “New Thought” in the post-1980 period within the accumulation of Turkish nationalism could not be overcome. We still haven’t been able to establish a thought journal, theory and practice interaction at that scale. This atmosphere, which developed around the atmosphere created by the intellectual productions around the magazines, also fed the national political line to a great extent. Until the mid-1980s, the average intellectual of the Turkish right was expressing himself and his thoughts by relying on the productions of the national ideal. Before 1980, the 1000 Basic works series of a middle-right newspaper such as Tercüman was an important medium that formed the cultural schemes of the Turkish right. Before 1980, political Islam and all kinds of factions used/had to use the term “nationalist conservative” in order to “make themselves visible in the public arena” and gain respect in the face of “the national ideal’s inclusiveness, envelopment and cultural hegemony”. Political Islamists reproduced their shortcomings and self-confidence with the concepts they gathered from this literature as a result of the relations and readings they established with liberalism and neo-Marxist literature after the 1980s. However, each of them has a publishing house and dozens of thematic magazines. National accumulation remained unintelligent and idle after the “new thought” circle.

In the process of globalization, neoliberalism, ethnic and religious divisions, it was delayed in updating its own texts by subjecting them to a critique in the light of world experiences. While this was the case, Gokalp said, “We descended from the mountain of God with Atsız’s cry”, “Wolf, Kimiz, Kopuz”, I heard it from the late Dündar Taşer, Galip Erdem wrote that in Everyday. You cannot build a philosophy of language with the Secrets of Turkish, and a new understanding of civilization with the Turkish-Islamic Ideal. Let’s get as angry as we want, that’s the reality. Not every idealist is a Turkologist, a historian, a diplomat [it doesn’t have to be], let’s accept that these are fields of specialization in 2014, and let’s have some respect for our scientists in this field. When using the term Turkish cultural basin, I brought the concepts of kulturraum, kulturgebiet, cultural ecology, cultural area used in anthropology and folklore to the agenda in a critical way “to the extent of my own understanding and understanding”. I thought that this would be the most appropriate concept for the historical adventure of Turkish culture and the world of mentality.

First of all, it is necessary to start by learning the limitations of scientific knowledge. Science does not know everything, it is only one of the types of knowledge. Even in this state, it is far from explaining nature and the realm of phenomena structurally. The existential limitations of the universe as language, logic and mathematics also constitute the limits of our field of knowledge. With science it is possible to answer the question of why and how. In this state, it is still unique in understanding and explaining the material world and in solving the problems in this field. Science has never been able to answer the question of why in any period of history, on the contrary, religion and mythology in the ancient period, philosophy and art in the historical period took this role.

Unlike other beings, it is an entity that can think about itself and what it does, and can convey this, thanks to its ability to abstract from symbolic forms.

It transforms the data it receives while observing the outside world, through the mind-mind process, into information in the light of previous experiences. The process that we assume as the cause and effect relationship emerges as a delusion of the subject at this point.

Capabilities of National Accumulation in the New Millennium

I Sociological categories of Turkish culture within the Turkish culture basin, the concept of kinship. Ethnic definitions and western sociological literature are insufficient to explain the categories of Turkish social structure. When our sociologists have the opportunity to conduct surveys, they should turn to concept-generating theoretical production activities. Apart from Togan, we do not have a sociological explanation to describe the social hierarchy in Turkish tribes.

II. Turkish culture has a tremendous adaptability with its political organization and openness to other cultures. It has an enormous historical and cultural background behind it.

III. Turkish culture has a linguistic structure that we can call fuzzy logic rather than Aristotelian logic, or rather, in which intermediate options are taken into account.

Western sociological norms are not very valid in this geography. We are related to these so called different people, we have a cultural association. In this geography, peoples are not classified by their languages. If it were, the Bosnians would not have run to their relatives’ tents when the Serbs attacked, the Caucasian peoples when the Russians attacked, and the Kurds when Saddam attacked. Therefore, you cannot solve the problems without knowing the historical power structure in the Anatolian geography.

Three major political traditions in history have been able to dominate this geography. First, the Hittites are now in the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations in Ankara, in the second millennium, Rome was also in the same place, in the third millennium the Turks were able to stay in this geography more permanently, with their political genius and abilities.

The Turkish national existence in this geography is like the nucleus of the atom. There can be no matter without a nucleus. In this context, no ethnicity has a chance to live freely in Turkey without the Turkish political will. We should offer nothing but justice and equality to our relatives and all social groups. That’s what they want too. No state or nation, especially the Turkish nation, will never share its sovereignty and political dominance.

According to Alangu, today’s Turkish folklore “has a close connection with the people of the Caucasus, the Arabs, the Balkan countries, as well as the people who lived in Turkey throughout history.” (Saul 1970:9). He accepts the existence of a folkloric stratification in the Anatolian geography and asks, “Isn’t there something Turkish here [in Anatolia]?” asks the question. His answer is as follows: “This is the important thing. There is a ‘Turkish layer’ over all this different thing that has evolved throughout history. This is the important thing, otherwise it is out of the question to deny the contributions of civilization throughout history, including the costume, the melody, the figures of the dance, the motifs of the tales. Just as it was in the past, it will be so both within Turkey and between regions and in neighborly relations. This is an inevitable necessity of Turkey’s geophysics. I don’t know what our fate will be when a concern such as preserving the genuine Turkish, rejecting the non-Turkish, distilling, filtering, separating the foreigner enters folklore? In fact, I accept these contaminations, mixtures and combinations as a contribution to the life of the Turkish people.

This point of view is a result of the understanding of ‘dynamic folklore’ existing in Alangu. Otherwise, he is not after a ‘Turkish identity’ by rejecting the ‘Turkish identity’ in Anatolia. Following carefully what is explained in the following sentences will make it easier for us to understand Alangu’s thoughts on this subject: “In my opinion, the existence of separate regions [in Turkey] does not mean the absence of national unity.(…) [folklore] is concerned that it will impoverish our existence. The important thing is the form we give to the foreign matter. The result is ‘national’. Nationality is not sought in the sources.”


As an ideal horizon for national accumulation, I attach great importance to prudence in understanding the formations that atomize and destroy the Turkish nation in the consciousness of the nation system, which is not under the control of community and sect, subsistence, subsistence and worship, to form the foundations of a political philosophy. A political horizon that has analyzed and identified the anti-imperialist and New Medieval mentality is extremely important. It is necessary to keep a distance according to all kinds of right and left ideologies that are mandator and protectorate. At this stage, Turkey’s local religious people are in the same bloc with local leftists and liberals. It establishes the political separation point from national independence, real freedoms and the ideal of democratic society.

The necessity of overcoming the nation-state formation, which is a design of modernity and the philosophy of enlightenment in a multicultural, multi-religious society with different identity preferences, is the common opinion of postmodernism, multiculturalism and neoliberalism. The disguise of capitalism means nothing more than the words of mischief and mischief. It should not be forgotten that the democratic life project is an enlightenment project. Is it possible to solve the problems brought by modernism with the irrational denial of this system?

For the full realization of individual freedoms and the development of a free individual/personality, there is a need for a state order without free and autonomous legal guarantees and security concerns. Such a political organization is possible only through the unification/integration of individuals by delegating their will within a certain legal order. The continuity and power of the state is possible with the freedom and welfare of individuals and society. Likewise, the freedoms and liberties of individuals and their welfare are possible with a strong and potent state order. In the world’s political history, there has not been a weak state apparatus but a free and prosperous society.

Turkish nationalism has been established mainly from the knowledge activity of the Turkish science field from the Tanzimat to the present. From an economic perspective, it is suffering from deficiencies in the economic-political ground. In this sense, the determinations and explanations of Yusuf Akçura and Ağaoğlu are remarkable. In today’s Turkey, in a country with community and feudal social sections that could not complete the nationalization process, the ideal of “nationalization” is still the only option. A new culture of production and sharing/anti-humanist front of liberal capitalism, for this, tax and fiscal policies in total have importance. It is now essential to discuss a production model that creates employment, respects the environment and human rights. It is possible to produce a national political philosophy in this direction.

Although the Ummah understands that the medieval world is the universe and the freedom of the individual who perceives all kinds of reality from within the religion, in the theoretical plane, as being equal before the absolute will of God, the social distinction between the common people and the air gives approval to class and inequality at various levels. In this sense, it is useful to criticize the Ottoman experience again.

The politicization of religion in the modern sense in Turkey and the world experience reduces the sacred to its popularization, thus its shallowness, degeneration, and religion, which claims to be a transcendent message of time and space beyond history, to a phenomenon that can be overcome by exposing it to history. A political system with reference to religion, by giving/equipping people and persons who exercise political power/public authority with divine authority or innocence, endows the rulers with the armor of immunity due to their individual actions supposedly committed in the name of God. In the face of such a public authority, it is impossible to talk about private law and the guarantee of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual.

The attitude of the secular state in the relationship between religion-state, religion-society, individual-religion should be considered as the assurance of collective peace and freedoms. The protection of religious beliefs and practices is a fundamental human right. The human rights literature allows regulations in this area, provided that freedom of expression is not violated, for example, by ECtHR decisions. In this sense, it is essential to critically analyze the basic human rights law and European knowledge as a technical infrastructure.

For Turkish nationalists, all sects and interpretations of the religious heritage as an essential element of culture are respectful. As in all democratic regimes (which inevitably should), the production of law is not based on religious references in public administration. [In practice, among the unwritten sources of law, some of the customs and traditions are religious and it is a separate issue to apply to them.] The individual, collective or worship-related institutions and practices of their followers are under legal guarantee. While expressing this politically, there is nothing that the political and political cadres will feel embarrassed about. There is no alternative model that can be opposed to this yet. In addition, cemevis may be equated with the status accorded to Sunni sects, depending on their substantive context. In this sense, it is essential for the public security and the future/assurance of human rights that religious education be optional and preferential, and that the state trains it in a qualified manner under the supervision of expert staff who will provide this education, and that it provides this service to its citizens if they wish.

Congregations and sects should transform into civil social movements within the process of transformation from community to community and focus on education and spiritual service. Otherwise, an energy that can be used for the benefit of the country and humanity will be wasted by its followers. In the process that we have come to life, all social and political actors in the current situation have tested their own power and limits to some extent. In this sense, the futility, meaninglessness, and ahistorical nature of the search for the establishment of a regime against other social classes, by the use of force or by seizing the regime by communities, sects or other laden organizations, are clearly flawed in terms of the general public interest.

In addition, in the examples of Japan, the USA and Germany, the limit of the state’s intervention in the field of belief and philosophical opinion is seriously discussed in terms of public interest in the examples of the devil worship ritual based on the cult of spruce violence. It should not be forgotten that in the Turkish state tradition, religious authority has always been subject to political authority from the very beginning.

While Turkish nationalism establishes its place and reference set within the framework of the new political, economic and social conditions, it should place the indispensable principles within the framework of the historical continuity of Turkish culture and the world of spiritual meaning, anti-imperialism, national independence, individual rights and freedoms.

Its approach to the Turkish world should have a content with short, medium and long-term goals that takes into account the requirements of realpolitik, with a predominant strategic and tactical nature. It is necessary to bring cultural social cooperation circles and especially economic cooperation opportunities to the top on a rational basis.

Turkish nationalism should prioritize the political formations of this cultural geography, which is the unity of lineage, and the development of their own democratic order, the originality produced over the centuries. Regional cooperation opportunities should be developed gradually. The goal of political and cultural rapprochement should be brought to a program that is far from raw emotionality in a rational manner step by step.

The notion and mission of “improving humanity in justice and equality”, which Turkish nationalism brought from thousands of years of management and organizational experience while establishing itself, is sufficient. Negative reactions, hostility to the other, it is not meaningful to establish it from within. It has no such tradition. In this sense, it is humanitarian.

The purpose of science is to find answers to the “why” and “how” questions. The possibilities and limitations are within the framework of this question. Religion, philosophy, art, mythology gives the answer to the question why. In this context, it is useless and futile to try to explain the facts related to the scientific field with a religious perspective and equipment or, on the contrary, to attempt explanations in the religious field in an empirical and rational way with scientific methodology. In the cultural realm, real freezing and decay begin in such a climate. It is futile to expect any creative innovation or production from this process. In this sense, al-Ghazali’s criticisms of “rational theology” should be taken into account. The claim of science to answer all the questions in the universe in the same way that the religious field holistically covers all fields of knowledge is our fundamental contradiction. In this framework, attracting metaphysical and rational fields to their own fields offers an important solution opportunity to overcome the current tension in our country. In no country in the world, a political cadre cannot get votes, demand political leadership, or even if it does, it is not taken into account by public opinion because it goes to church every Sunday or can interpret the psalms very well. Likewise, when a religious or spruce citizen in our country buys an electrician or plumber for his house, he first checks whether he is a “good master”, regardless of whether the master is religious or secular. On the other hand, it is fundamentally problematic that in the selection of political cadres, which should be acted more meticulously, the Qur’anic principle of “qualification and merit”, which is a criterion of little consideration, carries the decision to an irrational framework such as a Muslim, performing prayers, “making a pilgrimage and going on Hajj”.

In the current plan, in updating nationalism as an idea system, it should be criticized that it is necessary to go “from nation to nationalism and from nationalism to nation”. It is useful to briefly evaluate the vulgarized shallow approaches, such as listening to the voice of the people, speaking the same language with the public, or starting from the average public. While nationalism is oriented towards the nation, it is not oriented with conservative dogmas. It understands how to re-circulate the collective values ​​and creations of the people by refining them with high artistic means and producing them. Although it respects the will of the masses whose consciousness has been poisoned by disinformation and false news by using the ideological apparatus of the state as a result of the state’s statehood or the state’s state, it cannot evaluate it as the only parameter. In order to overcome this pathological stance, it tries to ensure the reproduction of real identity in the context of the will of citizenship by organizing from among the people.

National accumulation and national approach consider the preference of the average citizen mass, who is civil and aware of their rights and responsibilities based on the will of the nation, as the ideal situation. Associating this attitude with elitism is disgraceful.

Considering the historical and cultural accumulation and religious adventure of Turkey and the Turkish nation, in a political and social climate in which the voter behavior is produced with reference to the capitalist religion understanding, which is abstracted from morality, abstracted from the morality reproduced in the context of capitalism, and based on the understanding of capitalist religion, which is fed by the Ashari and Umayyad traditions, Transoxiana is based on the Turkish contemplation accumulation, the opinion, the mind, the revelation, It should critically put the approach that takes into account the freedom of the individual and consultation, and in this sense, which allows the democratic horizon to be updated again, on its agenda.

When we talk about the sources or tradition of Turkish thought, we are not talking about an out-of-historical fantasy and folklorism, such as taking a repertoire or set as it is and trying to apply it in today’s conditions. Turkish culture and its performers have managed the “province and tradition” by making a creative reading of our cultural references and symbols from within their own historical social conditions in the historical process. In other words, they made a theoretical explanation of their own era. What we lack is that we have not been able to read our own era from our texts and symbols. Spirit or word or logos cannot produce this by chance, it requires a conscious and active will. The key to this is to tirelessly try to “tire” and “interpret”. His criticism is to welcome the thought inside. “We are tired of consultation, friends”

Turkistan, Ahmed Yesevi, Transoxiana, Alp erenler, spiritual leaders are concepts that Fuad Köprülü constructed with a very successful historical construction and explanation in the world of Turkish thought. But this explanation is incomplete in one way. As Hilmi Ziya Ülken expressly stated in his History of Turkish Contemplation, two basic Sufi ideas predominate in Anatolia. One is the Turkestan/Horasan school and the other is the Ibn Arabi school from Andalusia, which was at least as influential. There are differences in their explanations.

An exit or answer should be sought by interpreting the political, geographical and economic conditions that built the Turkish cultural basin within the same context. At this point, Turkish culture should be understood holistically without being subjected to the implied separation of pre-Islamic and post-Islamic. For this, the framework drawn by Hilmi Ziya Bey in the History of Turkish Contemplation can be a roadmap. One side of the evaluations will always be missing without considering all the conditions that create the culture, change it and transform it.

For a real modernization, the creative reading and thinking process that will create Turkish humanism should be built by following this perspective. In this context, it is imperative that the basic texts that are the source of Turkish nationalism are subject to a critical reading.

Arranging and managing the general characteristic of Turkish thought in its Historical Continuity is practical/pragmatic and ideological in the sense of the construction of the “status qou”, and utopian in terms of constructing the universe [cosmopolis]. From Apple, to the Northern Meadows, to the Mediterranean, he always chased this dream.

Hoping to be the basic direction that will build the new world view, “the signature of the heart and the heart / the heart of the mind”…


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Avcıoglu, Doğan (1979)Türklerin Tarihi, 2. Cilt, İstanbul:Tekin Yayınevi

Aydın H.,Yılmaz, M. T., (2007),“Modern Bilime Yönelik Postmodern Eleştiriler ve Felsefî Değeri”, Karaburun Bilim Kongresi, İzmir 7-9 Eylül 2007.s 1-17“

Davutoğlu, Ahmet (1997),Medeniyetlerin ben-idraki [Self-perception of the civilizations], Divan Dergisi ,S.3,s 1-53

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According to the post-structuralist French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, habitus: the daily life practices of individuals, groups or classes, tastes, habits, gestures included. The set of values, attitudes and behaviors that the cultural framework in which one lives in adds to human beings.

[1] [See. Dogan Avcıoğlu, History of Turks, Volume 2, Istanbul, 1979, p. 774.]

Kemal Üçüncü
Prof. Dr. Kemal Üçüncü, Turkolog is a lecturer and researcher with 15+ years of experience teaching courses in both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Supervised, BA theses, MA theses, and Ph.D. dissertations. Edited and co-authored on Turkish language and Turkish folklore. Published over articles in peer-reviewed journals. He has published numerous books in his area of specialization. He also conducts strategic, economic and political research in Turkish and Turkish geographical areas, and shares his scientific views in the media. symposiums and meetings where he was invited. Besides his academic studies, he conducts research on Turkey's foreign policy and economy from a strategic perspective. Education Ph.D. in Turkish Folklore Science-2002 Institute of Social Sciences Fırat University, Turkey M.A. in Turkish Language and Literature-1998 Institute of Social Sciences Çanakkale 18 Mart University, Turkey B.A. in Turkish Language and Literature-1993 Department of Turkish Language and Literature Atatürk University

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February 2024