Ongoing conflict in Sudan

By Assistant Professor Mayada Kamal Eldeen[1]

Sudan, on April 15, 2023, when the tension initiated by the UAE-backed paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) under the command of Mohammed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo turned into an open war, a devastating war that continues today for more than two and a half years, and the last time on October 26-28, 2025, when the RSF militia was transformed into Al-Fashir tolled executions and clerical killings. İn the UN’s words, it has turned into one of the most devastating humanitarian crises globally, causing 20,000 people to lose their lives, more than 11.7 million people to be internally displaced, and 4.2 million people to flee to neighboring countries.  

The war began with Khartoum, the capital of the RSF militia, and expanded to include several states, including Darfur, Kordofan, and Gezira. By May 2025, the conflict appears to have reached a geographic impasse. While the Army controls Khartoum and a large part of northern and eastern Sudan, the RSF dominates the western regions, particularly Darfur.  The Sudanese Army has maintained its headquarters in Port Sudan, located on the Red Sea coast, and is internationally recognized.  However, the capital Khartoum has been largely destroyed; Government buildings, schools, banks, and hospitals have been devastated by airstrikes and bombings by RSF militias.  

The human toll is eerie: An estimated 40,000 deaths and countless war crimes documented by international observers.   UAE-backed RSF militias have been charged with brutality, including indiscriminate attacks on civilians, the destruction of hospitals, and ethnic-based violence.  

RSF brutality and War Crimes in Al-Fashir  

Al-Fashir’s entry into the control of the RSF militia on October 26, 2025, marked a significant turning point in the conflict in Sudan, exposing the horrific war crimes committed by the RSF militia.  The last major government stronghold in Darfur, the city fell into the hands of the RSF after an 18-month siege filled with famine, bombardment, and mass suffering.

The Saudi Hospital Massacre

After the RSF took over the city, there were systematic massacres in the city.  The most documented atrocities occurred at the Saudi maternity hospital, where the World Health Organization reported that about 460 people, including patients, health workers, and civilians seeking asylum, were killed by RSF gunmen.  This attack was one of the deadliest attacks on a health facility throughout the entire conflict. The surviving doctors said the hospital had turned into a “human slaughterhouse” and that RSF militias “killed in cold blood everyone they encountered” at the facility.

The RSF also allegedly kidnapped six health workers, including four doctors, a pharmacist, and a nurse, and demanded a ransom exceeding $150,000 for their release. The destruction of the hospital and the killing of health workers have dealt a devastating blow to an already collapsed health system. By the fall of Al-Fashir, 70-80% of Sudan’s health facilities had become unusable.  

Wider massacres and war crimes

Beyond the hospital, survivors documented widespread atrocities. Eyewitnesses reported house searches, arbitrary detentions, extrajudicial executions, mass killings, rapes, and looting. RSF militias have documented videos showing them executing unarmed civilians and handing over fighters with their own mobile phones; these acts constitute war crimes under the Geneva Convention. Satellite images analyzed by Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Laboratory have uncovered remains that analysts believe were human remains and blood stains on the ground, providing physical evidence of sites of slaughter. ​

The International Organization for Migration​​reported that between 26 and 29 October 2025, about 71,000 people fled Al-Fashir, many of whom experienced horrific violence on their escape routes. Those who reached nearby Tawila and reached a haven reported murders, kidnappings, and sexual violence committed by RSF forces.  

The extent of ethnic cleansing

The violence clearly assumed an ethnic character, and the RSF targeted non-Arab communities, particularly the Zaghawa and Masalite ethnic groups. The Yale researchers concluded that “al-Fasher has undergone a systematic and conscious process of ethnic cleansing against non-Arab communities through displacement and executions.” This reflects the genocide carried out by Cancavid, the vanguard militia from which the RSF emerged, during the Darfur crisis of the early 2000s.  

International legal intervention

The International Criminal Court said it was “deeply concerned” about the atrocities, adding that the actions “may constitute a war crime and a crime against humanity in accordance with the Rome Statute”. The ICC Prosecutor’s Office said these crimes were part of a broader pattern of violence affecting the entire Darfur region since April 2023 and that it was taking immediate steps to protect and collect evidence for future prosecutions.  

Humanitarian crisis and political situation

Famine and food insecurity

Sudan is facing the world’s worst famine. According to the latest Integrated Food Safety Phase Classification analysis, more than 21 million people across Sudan face high levels of acute food insecurity. The analysis confirmed that famine conditions in El-Fasher (North Darfur) and Kadugli (South Kordofan), where families survived by leaves, animal feed, and grass, were actively ongoing. Around 375,000 people across the country are suffering from “catastrophic” hunger, which means they are on the verge of starving to death.  

The siege of Al-Fashir set an example for this humanitarian catastrophe. During the 18-month blockade, humanitarian aid, food, and medicine were not delivered to the city. The International Committee of the Red Cross estimates that thousands of civilians lost their lives due to starvation and bombardment during this siege alone.  

Displacement

After the fall of Al-Fashir, humanitarian conditions worsened. More than 450000 people were displaced from the city and its surrounding areas, most of whom took refuge in El-Tawila, about 70 kilometers away. The UN emergency relief coordinator said hundreds of thousands of people were stranded in the city, facing food insecurity, diseases, and ongoing violence.  

Tawila herself is overwhelmed. More than 652,000 internally displaced people currently live there, sleeping outdoors with depleted food stocks and scarce sources of clean water. Humanitarian workers report that operational capacity is insufficient to meet the needs caused by the influx of displaced families.  

The Health System collapsed

Sudan’s health system has been devastated, resulting in an estimated $700 million in financial losses to its health infrastructure. By the end of 2024, approximately 67% of hospitals in conflict-affected areas had closed.  The targeting of hospitals has been systematic: Since the beginning of the conflict, 13 health workers have been killed, four kidnapped by militias, and nine are missing. Pregnant women and girls have been particularly struck as they have been deprived of life-saving reproductive health services, as they have been forced to halt the activities of maternity hospitals, including Omdurman Hospital, Sudan’s largest referral center.  ​

Türkiye’s role in bringing Peace to Sudan

Based on successful peace mediation between Ethiopia and Somalia through the Ankara process, Türkiye has been positioned as a key mediator in the Sudanese conflict. In December 2024, President Recep Erdoğan offered to mediate between Sudan and the United Arab Emirates, stating that Türkiye could help resolve the tensions between the two countries. Erdoğan has shaped Türkiye’s role around “ensuring peace and stability in Sudan, protecting its territorial integrity and sovereignty, and preventing the country from becoming a center of foreign intervention.”  

Turkish Deputy Foreign Minister Burhanettin Duran made a concrete diplomatic step by visiting Port Sudan on January 4, 2025. During this visit, the Turkish government outlined practical measures such as confidence-building steps, temporary ceasefires, and resource-sharing agreements between Sudan and the UAE. The visit also included statements on the establishment of banking services in Port Sudan and the establishment of a new aid agency.

Türkiye’s humanitarian role

Beyond diplomacy, Türkiye has maintained one of the few active embassies in Port Sudan and provided significant humanitarian assistance. The Turkish Disaster and Emergency Management Directorate (AFAD) has sent 8,000 tons of humanitarian aid in recent months, including food, shelter, and medical supplies.  Türkiye sent two emergency cargo planes carrying basic medicines in May 2023, immediately after the violence. The Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA) has reopened its office in Port Sudan, and it has been reported that Ziraat Bank has resumed its activities in the city.

Sudan’s Ambassador to Ankara, Nadir Yusuf Eltayeb, emphasized that Türkiye’s continued diplomatic presence sets it apart from other countries, adding that “although many countries closed their embassies in the first weeks of the war, Türkiye has continued to exist until today,” he said.

Final Condemnation and Advocacy

After the single massacre in al-Fasirde on October 26-28, 2025, President Erdoğan of Chmhura harshly condemned the massacre on November 2, 2025, saying, “No one who has no stone on his chest and has a heart can accept the massacres of civilians in the recent days in Al-Fashir, Sudan.  We cannot remain silent,” he said. Speaking at the COMCEC meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation in Istanbul, Erdoğan stressed the importance of being in solidarity with the Sudanese people and protecting Sudan’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.  

Türkiye called for an immediate end to the fighting in Al-Fashir, for a safe passage for humanitarian aid, and for the protection of civilians. The Turkish Foreign Ministry condemned the persecution of the RSF and reiterated Türkiye’s “open support for Sudan’s unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty”, stressing the “importance of dialogue to find a peaceful solution to the conflict”. 

Türkiye’s Strategic advantages and challenges in Sudan

Türkiye has three critical advantages in mediating the Sudan crisis. First, its deep historical ties and humanitarian initiatives with Sudan have created a positive perception in the Sudanese public.  Second, Türkiye’s recent normalization of relations with the UAE provides a potential channel of dialogue between the Sudanese Army and the RSF militias. Third, Türkiye’s capacity to cooperate with regional organizations such as the African Union and IGAD increases the legitimacy of mediation efforts. ​

However, Türkiye faces significant obstacles. The UAE’s overt support for the RSF could lead some Sudanese to question Türkiye’s impartiality. Deep distrust within Sudan and the conflicting interests of global actors such as the United States, Russia, China, and Iran limit Türkiye’s room for maneuver.

Moreover, the geopolitical complexity of Russia, China, Iran, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia in pursuing different interests in Sudan complicates Türkiye’s role as a neutral mediator. However, Türkiye’s ongoing diplomatic engagement, humanitarian presence, and willingness to address the UAE issue separate it from other international actors, potentially positioning it as an influential player in any future peace process.

However, the fact is that Sudanese people have a great admiration for Türkiye, especially for its economic development and political stability, and also for the sympathy of the Sudanese President, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. This confidence positions Türkiye as a reliable mediator in resolving the ongoing war in Sudan. This could make Türkiye’s job easier.

[1] Tokat Gaziosmanpaşa University, Department of Political Science and International Relations