Divided German politics and strengthened arms industry

By Cengiz Köse

The majority of German society punished the previous war-mongering government in the elections on 23 February 2025.

With the defeat of the SPD-Greens, the “left” of imperialism weakened in Germany. However, the German society, trying to escape the rain, got caught in a hailstorm. The new CDU/CSU (Christian Democratic/Social Union) – SPD (Social Democratic Party) coalition government has placed defense and war strategy as its central policy. A war government could not have been formed with the weakened SPD alone, the right wing of imperialism was also needed.

In the CDU/CSU – SPD coalition agreement, the word “security” appears 126 times, while “peace” only 4 times. The sentence, “Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine also threatens our security” stands out in the agreement. The question of whether the government’s defense and armament strategy are aimed at Germany’s, the EU’s, or NATO’s security deserves separate consideration. For that, one needs to take the shared perspectives of EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz into account. Both originating from the CDU, von der Leyen and Merz emphasize that the EU must become a “real defense union.”

With the support of the CDU, the previous government made a constitutional amendment aimed at strengthening the war and defense industry and passed a €500 billion package in the Federal Parliament. This means, on international plane, the German government is positioning itself within a unipolar world order.

However, will the CDU-led government be able to continue for another four years in coalition with the SPD, which was defeated in the last election? During this time, the country is expected to be made ready for war capability. Germany, spending 88 billion dollars on armament, ranks fourth in the world.

Western bloc and the government’s economic program

By acknowledging the decline of the Western bloc, the EU Commission is further escalating tensions. The “Western bloc” is led by globalists, and the CDU-SPD government is said to be under the influence of global monopolies like BlackRock. The government is seeking to define its economic policy in opposition to “protectionism” in global trade.

Some experts criticize the economic program, stating: “The largest debt package in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany will benefit solely and exclusively heavy industry corporations and monopolies such as Rheinmetall, Taurus Systems, and MBDA.” It is predicted that there will not be “sufficient resources” left for the productive economy, tax cuts, lowering rent prices, improving purchasing power, healthcare, education, or social investments.

The isolated Western states and German politics

In the collapsing Western bloc, we see the increasing isolation of countries like the US, Canada, Australia, England and the EU. Slogans like “America First” or “France First” are proof of this.

The increasingly isolated Germany’s new government strictly controls its borders against irregular waves of migration with its new policies, effectively isolating itself from the EU as well. This isolation is pushing the German ruling class into cooperation with heavy industry and “defense strategy”.

Meanwhile, Trump’s “Make America Great Again” program is resonating in central EU states like Germany, France, and Italy. This program, which has influenced nationalist parties across the EU, is echoed in slogans like “Make Germany Great Again” and “Make Italy Great Again”. Some nationalist parties in the EU, influenced by Trump, have drifted toward “transatlantic nationalism”.

One of the factors contributing to the collapse of the Western bloc is the confrontation between two opposing programs within.

The end of the “false opposition”

In Germany, this confrontation can be described as a split between East and West, diplomacy and militarization, democracy and the far right, diversity and anti-immigration, free thought and manipulation, real and artificial agendas, and war and peace.

The political split is also notable. After the 2025 general elections, a “opposition void” has emerged. The role of “opposition” that the existing system imposes on parties is essentially a competition to say, “I can serve the existing system better”. However, having begun to rise from the east of the country, the AfD and BSW, do not follow a traditional “opposition” path. As such, these two political forces that challenge the system seem to be blocked for now. Mainstream media labels one as pro-Trump and the other as pro-Putin.

The BSW (Alliance Sarah Wagenknecht), which tries to unite Germany’s anti-war, populist, nationalist, and socialist public, barely failed to pass the electoral threshold. It is currently investigating “lost votes” and using its right to appeal in order to enter the Federal Parliament.

The news site “Focus Online” in an article by Susanne Spahn, commented on BSW’s failure to pass the threshold and its leader Sarah Wagenknecht as follows: “The Kremlin has lost its spokesperson in the German Bundestag.” This claim is based on the fact that the Russian TV channel RT (Russia Today) frequently featured Wagenknecht’s speeches.

According to recent polls, the AfD has risen to first place, but it has been placed under close surveillance by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution in a manner likened to “house arrest,” due to accusations of being “far-right”. Simultaneously, globalist circles have begun protests “Ban the AfD”.

Elon Musk voiced support for the AfD and its leader Alice Weidel during the election campaign. This was met with criticism for being an “intervention” in Germany’s domestic politics and election process. However, the interest of international monopolies and billionaires in German domestic politics is not new. Bill Gates, for example, came to Germany in a previous election period as a guest of the SPD.

Another dimension of the division has emerged within the CDU-SPD coalition itself. The election of CDU’s Friedrich Merz as chancellor not in the first, but in the second round laid bare the deep political divide and ongoing instability. SPD’s former chancellor Olaf Scholz was not assigned any key position. His hesitation and refusal to approve the delivery of long-range Taurus missiles to Ukraine had signaled cracks in the previous coalition. From the previous government, SPD’s defense minister Boris Pistorius became the only one to retain his post in the new one.

Which social classes does the CDU-SPD coalition government represent?

The coalition agreement prioritizes the defense industry and digitalization. While the finance, defense, environment, and infrastructure ministries were allocated to the SPD, the CDU/CSU took charge of key areas such as interior affairs, technology, foreign affairs, education, health, and digital transformation.

Looking at the CDU-SPD cabinet, the question of which classes they represent becomes even more apparent. Examining some ministries reveals that public sector representation and influence have declined. Chancellor Friedrich Merz previously served on the supervisory board of BlackRock’s German branch and of the German stock exchange. His past ties to BlackRock could indirectly shape his party’s policies. BlackRock is bidding on post-war reconstruction contracts in Ukraine. Economic analysts assess BlackRock as follows: “BlackRock takes the German people’s savings in banks, cash, life insurance, etc., runs it like a stock exchange, sells it to the EZB (the EU central bank), and then returns the profits to Germany.”

Let’s look at a few more examples.

CDU’s Minister of Economic Affairs, Katharina Reiche, previously held an executive position at E.ON’s subsidiary Westenergie. CDU’s Minister of Technology, Karsten Wildberger, was CEO of Ceconomy. CDU’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Florian Hahn, worked in public relations at the defense firm Krauss-Maffei Wegmann.

SPD’s Environment Minister, Carsten Schneider, was in the management of the US-based global company CyrusOne and in overseeing the construction of mRNA COVID-19 production facilities. SPD’s Finance Minister, Lars Klingbeil, has indirect ties to major tech corporations like IBM, Microsoft, Intel, and Ericsson.

How much for a 1 percent vote?

As in previous elections, the system parties like the CDU and SPD once again relied on “election-winning agencies”. This is because the target electorate doesn’t act with ideological convictions. So, during election campaigns, brands, colors, ads, music, social media videos, and slogans influence mass psychology. After these agencies develop a campaign strategy, they also recommend candidates that fit that. The lobbying operations, financial backers, capital networks, and international leadership grooming centers behind these parties must be understood in order to properly analyze the system parties and their electoral success.

For the 2025 election campaign, the CDU allocated a budget of €28 million, and the SPD €15 million. According to party sources, a significant portion of the CDU’s budget was spent on the campaign agency “Fischer Appelt” and the SPD worked with “Brinkert Lück”. Fischer Appelt is also a member of “PROI Worldwide”, a global communications agency headquartered in the US. In this election, CDU/CSU received 28.5% of the vote and the SPD 16%. So 1% of the vote is worth €1 million.

A new chapter in Germany–Russia relations

And one last point.

Some SPD and CDU politicians have been meeting with Russian officials for some time now through the “Petersburg Dialogue” platform. The Petersburg Dialogue, initiated by then-Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Vladimir Putin, was suspended after 2022. German politicians and Russian officials last came together again under this framework on April 13, 2025, in Baku. SPD’s Ralf Stenger, who attended the meeting, described it as “private”. Among the Russian delegates was Viktor Zubkov. This may signal the beginning of a new chapter in Germany–Russia relations.