Protests continue to have political repercussions

Political tensions in Türkiye, which intensified after the arrest of Ekrem Imamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul and presidential candidate of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), on March 19, subsided somewhat with the Ramadan holiday.

On March 19, the anti-government protests, which began in Saraçhane, where the Istanbul Municipality is located, spread nationwide, with the participation of students from various universities, professional chambers, trade unions, and political parties. Clashes broke out between protesters and law enforcement officers in Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, and many protesters were taken into custody by the police.

CHP’s rally in Istanbul

The final protest was held by the CHP as a rally in Istanbul’s Maltepe district on March 29, the first day of the Ramadan. According to CHP figures, 2.2 million citizens attended the rally. CHP Chairman Özgür Özel and various party officials gave speeches.

Stating at the beginning of his speech that they had put fear and fatigue behind them, Özel continued as follows:    

“It was the first and most serious attempt by someone who did not want to come to power through the ballot box or leave through the ballot box. He tried a coup against the one who will be the next president. He tried to shelve democracy in a Salafist-like mindset. But millions repelled it. You repelled it. You defeated the coup plotters. We will defeat them. We will never surrender this beautiful country to them.”

In his speech, Özel also talked about the elections: “Ekrem Imamoğlu clearly emerged as the candidate who would win decisively without any doubt, if he run against Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. They launched an offensive to undermine CHP municipalities financially, morally, and legally. But we did not give in when we saw their intent to obstruct our social aid programs, cut protein and milk support, attack children’s lunchboxes, shut down municipal restaurants, close kindergartens, and halt student dormitories and scholarships.”

Asking the crowd, “Are you going to give up?” Özel said, “If some people try to destroy democracy, if they accept the ballot box that brought them to power but resist the ballot box that could remove them from the power, if they resort to slander and false accusations to ban their opponents, and if they treat democracy as a mere tool while marching toward a one-man rule and the reign they dream of, the caliphate, then defending democracy against them is a right, and the place for that struggle is the street.”

Özel then criticized Treasury and Finance Minister Mehmet Şimşek:

“Mehmet Şimşek has become an accomplice in this coup, a member of that junta, with the coup report he had Financial Crimes Investigation Board  (MASAK) prepare. All economic circles around the world have seen that Mehmet Şimşek is not a democrat, not an economist who governs the country with rational policies, an autocrat’s hitman. Mehmet Şimşek has no credibility, nor does he have anything to contribute to this country from now on.”

Özel also declared that CHP has expanded its boycott against pro-government private companies, media groups, and similar organizations:

“First of all, we will never ever watch TRT, which betrayed us with our own taxes. CNN Türk, TGRT, A Haber, Beyaz TV, Demirören, and Turkuvaz media too. We will never ever watch them. If we see a company’s advertisement on TRT, CNN, TGRT, A Haber, Beyaz TV, Türkiye, Sabah, Akşam, or Yeni Şafak, we won’t purchase the product of that company. All companies should make their advertisement strategies by taking this rally into account. (…)

“And Doğuş Group, not only NTV, Star TV, Kral FM but popular restaurants too. No one goes to Günaydın Restaurant. Nusret’s door is closed to us. As long as Audi and Volkswagen’s dealership continues with them, we will no longer buy these cars. This is my message to all our mayors, to everyone who values my word, to all companies and individuals: As long as the Doğuş Group is afraid of the man in the palace and refuses to acknowledge the crowd gathered in this square, they will be buried in the ground. Full stop.”

Özgür Özel announced that they had launched a signature campaign for Ekrem Imamoğlu’s release and led the crowd in chanting: “I am the nation. I am the national will. Release my candidate. Bring the ballot box. I want my candidate out and the ballot box ahead.”

Also, Özel visited the village of the arrested mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu on the first day of Eid, where he made statements against the police officers who used violence against protesters during the demonstrations. Özel said the following: “Erdoğan’s power was no match for the youth. He is trying to discourage any potential resistance by stripping them of their freedom.

One day, my interior minister will ask: Who gave the order to handcuff these young people behind their backs? We will pursue those responsible for handcuffing young people, starving them for hours, mistreating them, insulting them.

(…) You are applying Mussolini’s method of preemptive punishment. You say, ‘If you protest against Erdoğan, you’ll end up in Silivri.’ You can’t imprison someone for a crime for which they shouldn’t serve even a single day.”

During the protests, many protesters, mostly university students, were detained, and 301 people were placed in pre-trial detention.

Meanwhile, CHP Chairman Özgür Özel, in an interview with the British BBC channel, said “we feel abandoned” in response to Europe’s lack of support for the protests. In an exclusive interview with the BBC, Özel said the following:

“What is the justification or reason for this? The whole of Europe is reacting, but I can’t understand why the British Labour Party and (UK Prime Minister Keir) Starmer have not said a word on the matter. We feel abandoned. What kind of friendship is this, what kind of a brother party is this? How can the UK, the cradle of democracy, and our brother party, the Labour Party, remain silent about this? We are truly offended.”

Özel’s remarks about the UK sparked public backlash and debate.

Government statements on the protests

The protests were also on President Erdoğan’s agenda.

Erdoğan, who blamed the protests on Özel’s interview with the BBC, made the following remarks on the matter:

“Whenever Türkiye showed the courage to take game-changing steps, someone pushed the button. We have seen this through left-right provocations, the incitement of university youth, the treacherous attacks by the treacherous terrorist organization, the Republic rallies, the street terror during Gezi…. They tried every method, and they are still trying. We cannot view the boycott calls threatening local and national brands separately from this. They did everything to cover up corruption. (…) Remember, they said, ‘The Republic is under threat’, ‘Secularism is under siege’, ‘Our lifestyle is being interfered with’. They tried to achieve their aims by spreading slanders beyond all moral and ethical bounds. I regret to say that they succeeded. What happened after the Istanbul-based terror and corruption investigations cannot be separated from this context (…) Every kind of disgraceful act was committed. Under the guise of seeking justice, they staged a very dangerous provocation that had nothing to do with democracy, law, or legitimate means of seeking rights. However, thanks to the calm and determined stance of our police, the common sense of our nation, and the composure of our dignified youth despite being coerced, they failed to reach their goal. Having failed in all these attempts, they began to complain about Türkiye to foreigners. The CHP chairman is seeking political mandate.”

Another evaluation of the protests from the government wing came from Mehmet Uçum, Chief Advisor to the President. In his post on X, Uçum described the protests as an “imperialist project” and shared the following evaluations:

“Following the terrorism and corruption investigations in Istanbul, a new wave of street protests has once again emerged on the agenda. Although these are perceived as an exercise of the democratic right to protest, this is not the case. At the end of the twentieth century, civil disobedience and street protests were assigned a different meaning and mission. The rights-based aspect of civil disobedience was eliminated, and the disobedience element was transformed into a primary tool of rebellion against nation-states. Western ideological centers prepare and translate protest manuals and distribute them to citizens in targeted countries. The youth of the targeted country are chosen as the main actors. Street actions are made appealing to young people. Protesting for the sake of protest becomes the goal. The idea that ‘the action itself matters’ is emphasized, rather than the objective or outcome.

“Symbols are used to make protesting more attractive. For example, the image of a whirling dervish in a gas mask, the Pikachu character, a marriage proposal in front of the police, the Spider-Man costume, the woman in a red dress, and the protest piano have all been used symbolically over time. These are all professional productions based on a script. Young people are indoctrinated with the belief that taking part in protests is the most meaningful form of existence. They become the protagonists of the protests but tools of protest strategies. In this way, the youth of targeted countries are mobilized as mass forces in projects aimed at weakening nation-states.

“However, imperialism’s efforts to turn young people into easily molded and manipulated masses by destroying their sense of identity and belonging do not always succeed. (…) The fact that the age of 18 is sufficient for voting and election in our country empowers our youth and builds their confidence. As democratic participation increases and historical awareness deepens, our youth’s patriotic bonds and sense of national belonging grow stronger. For this reason, the vast majority of our country’s youth do not—and will not—fall into imperialist traps.

“To summarize, ‘civil disobedience’ became one of imperialism’s ideological tools after the Cold War. It was reengineered into ‘nihilist civil disobedience’ with destructive consequences and employed for imperialist expansion. The ‘Orange Revolutions’ and ‘Arab Springs’ of the post–Cold War period were encouraged and provoked for this purpose. The Gezi protests in Türkiye, planned by imperialist actors, are a typical example of subversive civil disobedience. Similar actions were exported to other countries, notably Brazil. Nihilist civil disobedience is aimed at creating chaos. These acts aim to foster an atmosphere of insecurity and governance failure to trigger regime change that serves imperialist interests. The case of Ukraine is illustrative in this respect. Such actions are criminalized under existing criminal law.”

Perinçek’s remarks on those who run into the streets

Vatan Party leader Doğu Perinçek shared his views on the protests during a television appearance. Perinçek’s comments were as follows:

“There is a broader movement that encompasses various protests. This movement, in essence, derives its meaning from the ongoing confrontation between Türkiye and the global masters of the West. Ordinary citizens may join for a range of understandable and legitimate reasons—some due to economic grievances, others in response to what they perceive as unjust treatment of Imamoğlu, some out of loyalty to the CHP, and others simply because they believe ‘where there is movement, there is opportunity.’ Bernstein once said, ‘The movement is everything; the goal is nothing.’ Some people approach these protests with exactly that mindset: ‘I don’t care about the objective or the cause. I’ll just show up, chant my slogans—even throw a Molotov cocktail.’ There are people who participate in these protests with this kind of mentality.

“But in the end, there appears to be a common thread uniting all these protestors: hostility toward President Tayyip Erdoğan. If we ask them individually, and we’ll find that their actions are often driven by a deep fixation on opposing Erdoğan. This hostility clouds their judgment—and in doing so, it leads our citizens to play the role of extras, pawns in broader Atlantic strategies.

“At the same time, many of these individuals find themselves aligned with separatist agendas or movements that receive open support from the United States and Israel. Yet, they seem largely indifferent to these associations. What we are witnessing is a mass of people, unconscious of the forces guiding them—crowds being manipulated without full awareness. Perhaps much of society fails to grasp this today, but in the historical process, it will become undeniably clear.

“A true pioneer does not trail behind the people—he leads them. That is the essence of genuine populism. So, what is this movement really about? For the answer, we can look directly to Özgür Özel, its figurehead. Özel’s consistent alignment with separatist positions reveals much. The true character of the movement is laid bare in this context, and it is essential that we identify it with clarity. (…)

“Do not join these movements led by the CHP. One year, two years, three years from now, you will find yourself asking, ‘What exactly was I a part of? What role did I unknowingly play?’ Özgür Özel openly states: ‘We support a strong alliance with NATO and deeper integration with the West.’ In essence, these movements are vehicles for advancing NATO alignment and embedding Türkiye more firmly into Western structures.

“He criticizes Erdoğan by saying that ‘Türkiye is being cut and drifting away from Western institutions,’ implying a concern over the country’s increasing independence from American and European influence. Thus, these protests are reactionary responses to Türkiye’s revolt against the Western order. This is not a speculation—it is openly articulated by the leaders organizing the movement. (…)

“Özgür Özel speaks repeatedly of ‘integration.’ But what does this mean in practice? It means full alignment with the West. And such integration, in its final outcome, signals the dismantling of the Turkish Republic as a sovereign national state.

“In fact, this process has been underway since the 1980s—following the trajectory set by Turgut Özal. Today, Tayyip Erdoğan is criticized precisely because he is steering Türkiye away from the Western imperialist and capitalist system. Those who participate in these movements must come to understand exactly what they are lending their support to.

“The West possesses armed power. Where is it? On the shores of Greece, in the Eastern Mediterranean. And these crowds are acting as pawns in a movement that has effectively invited that armed presence. Our citizens within these crowds should not feel hurt or offended, but I feel compelled to take them by the shoulders and shake them into awareness. In the end, these are unconscious masses—crowds steered by an external enemy — and Özgür Özel himself identifies who that is.

“In 2020, the American Deep State hinted: ‘There must be such movements to bring Imamoğlu to power in Türkiye,’ and ‘the CHP should lead them.’ The Victory (Zafer) Party, the Good (İyi) Party, and other so-called nationalist parties are backing him—and, of course, the main pillars of this alliance are the CHP and the DEM Party. This is all in line with the strategy outlined by the Rand Corporation, representing the American Deep State. The objective is clear: to overthrow Tayyip Erdoğan. And if you ask those crowds, nearly all of them will say, ‘We are participating in these movements to remove Tayyip Erdoğan.’ But once he is overthrown, it is America that will fill the vacuum.”

DEM’s decision not to participate in protests

Meanwhile, the PKK-linked DEM Party also issued a statement regarding the protests. DEM Party Co-Chair Tuncer Bakırhan emphasized that they did not participate in the street protests and said, “We are not the CHP’s activist base. We are working to organize social peace.”

Bakırhan criticized Imamoğlu’s arrest and stated that the issue should be approached from a non-partisan perspective.

He noted that the concept of “urban consensus” should be examined within a different framework: “We are engaged in matters that go well beyond this. We are trying to promote peace in society. The struggle over Imamoğlu should not be conducted through us. We did not support Imamoğlu; urban consensus is something else entirely.”

Bakırhan emphasized that the process is not solely about the arrest of a mayor and that the DEM Party is focused on social peace. He stressed that their party operates from a broader perspective that transcends such events.